果冻传媒

Module: Feminism, Politics, and Social Change in Modern Britain (HI31X)

Date Due: 09/03/2022

Title: Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend, women secretly armed鈥�, Illustrated Police News: A source analysis

Word Count: 2,956

NB Please follow the formatting/ referencing instructions provided in the UG handbook rather than directly copying what you see here.

NB There are many different ways to write a first class essay, so please see this is just an example rather than a model to mechanically follow.

A group of women stand at the corner of a street, 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� against the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥�.^[1] The image featured on the cover of the 1,284th issue of The Illustrated Police News.^[2] Published on the 22nd September 1888, the source was produced amidst the Jack the Ripper murders; the brutal killings of five prostitutes in Victorian London鈥檚 East End.^[3] Analysis of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women illustration presents how the contemporary reading public simultaneously supported and suffered from the Jack the Ripper 鈥榤yth鈥�.^[4] The first section of this essay contextualises the illustration of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women.^[5] Beginning by situating Police News within the nineteenth century 鈥楢ge of Sensation鈥�, the essay addresses the contemporary debates which influenced the 鈥榩enny newspapers鈥�.^[6] Consequently, the essay considers the condemnation of the police force, class conflict, the Victorian 鈥榤oral codes鈥� and prostitution in the East End.^[7] The essay鈥檚 first section ends by situating the illustration within the cultural conversation concerning women鈥檚 presence in the public sphere.[8] The following section of the essay provides a detailed analysis of the illustration. After analysing the variety of messages which underlie the image, the essay examines the source as a material object. An understanding of who, why and how the illustration was read explains the deliberate inconclusivity of the source.^[9] Whilst the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women image does not provide an 鈥樷�渙bjective鈥� truth鈥� about Jack the Ripper as 鈥榓n historical person鈥�, it reveals the fears and concerns of London鈥檚 inhabitants at the end of the nineteenth century.^[10] The deliberate 鈥榖reaks鈥� and 鈥榬uptures鈥� within the image reveal the origins of the mythologised figure, Jack the Ripper.^[11]

In order to understand the illustration, Police News must be recognised as a cultural product of the 鈥楢ge of Sensation鈥�.^[12] Sensationalism represented the new approach to journalism which originated in the 1880s.^[13] There was a decisive shift in the purpose of journalism; newspapers no longer aimed 鈥渢o inform鈥� but 鈥渢o Interest鈥�.^[14] Technological advances in the production process, making printing newspapers cheaper and quicker, prepared the sensationalist press to create a 鈥榤edia frenzy鈥� around the horrific Whitechapel murders.^[15] As events unfolded, the press capitalised on the 鈥榚normous gap鈥� of knowledge surrounding the 鈥榠dentity鈥� and 鈥榤otivations鈥� of the anonymous killer.^[16] The absence of 鈥榮upported facts鈥� allowed the sensationalist press to narrate events like the 鈥榣iterature of the fantastic鈥�.^[17] Martin Willis and John Paul Green have likened the writing style of the sensationalist media to the 鈥榥arrative of crime fiction鈥�.^[18] Green argues further in stating that the sensationalist reports of the Whitechapel murders prompted Arthur Conan Doyle to write his famous Sherlock Holmes鈥� novels.^[19] Unlike crime fiction novels, however, the sensationalist press failed to 鈥榩roject a conclusion鈥� on the Jack the Ripper attacks.^[20] 鈥楶enny newspapers鈥� deliberately contained 鈥榖reaks or ruptures鈥� to further unsettle their readership.^[21] Police News particularly shocked contemporaries through explicit, vulgar illustrations uncharacteristic of 鈥榩olite society鈥�.^[22] Nonetheless, contemporaries were fascinated by crime and brutality.^[23] Although the 鈥榩enny press鈥� thrived on the 鈥樷�淒arwinian principle of the survival of the vulgarest鈥濃��, mainstream newspapers, such as The Observer, also featured explicit descriptions of Jack the Ripper鈥檚 mutilated victims.^[24] New Journalism established an alternate style of reporting which prioritised 鈥榚ntertainment and curiosity value鈥�.^[25] The image should therefore not be used to understand Jack the Ripper as 鈥榓n historical person鈥� but as a product of the 鈥楢ge of Sensation鈥�.^[26]

The 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women illustration raises questions about 鈥榩ublic safety鈥� and the role of the police in protecting London against the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥�.^[27] The police鈥檚 failure to capture the killer was a great concern for the inhabitants of Victorian London; without Jack the Ripper鈥檚 arrest, 鈥榯here would be no end to fears that he would strike again鈥�.^[28] Contemporaries removed their trust in 鈥楽cotland Yard to safeguard their property or their lives鈥�.^[29] Condemnation of the police had been growing since the end of the 1870s.^[30] Both 鈥榬evelations of collusion between senior detectives at Scotland Yard鈥� and Charles Warren鈥檚 poor handling of the Bloody Sunday demonstration prompted further criticism of the police force amidst the Jack the Ripper attacks.^[31] At the time when 鈥極utcast London鈥� 鈥榖ecame the killing ground of Jack the Ripper鈥�, the police鈥檚 ineptitude during Bloody Sunday remained at the forefront of contemporary鈥檚 minds.^[32] 

Although gender is a key aspect of the illustration, class conflict greatly influenced contemporary responses to Jack the Ripper.^[33] Despite attempts by the middle classes to isolate the 鈥榠mpoverished parts of London鈥�, the Whitechapel murders rendered the attempt impossible.^[34] Whitechapel connected East and West London due to its close 鈥榩roximity and social鈥� significance.^[35] Rather than drawing the classes 鈥榯ogether by a common danger鈥�, the murders 鈥榝ed the flames of class hatred and distrust鈥�.^[36] The middle classes believed that the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� symbolised the 鈥榰rban degeneracy' of 鈥極utcast London鈥�.^[37] Simultaneously, the East End cast middle class figureheads, 鈥榙octors鈥� and 鈥樷�渢offs鈥濃��, in the role of Jack the Ripper.^[38] Class conflict was closely linked to Victorian 鈥榤oral codes鈥�.^[39] Middle classes, in particular, used a moral discourse to condemn the East End for creating the evil environment from which Jack the Ripper emerged.^[40] Despite fears of the killer, the West End heralded the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� for contributing to 鈥渢he problem of clearing the East-end of its vicious inhabitants鈥�.^[41] The sensationalist media championed a moralistic interpretation of the Whitechapel murders.^[42] Contemporary journalists lamented the 鈥榝ailings鈥� of Jack the Ripper鈥檚 victims in order to sell the stories as 鈥榤oral anecdotes to uphold middle-class gender values鈥�.^[43]

 Police News鈥� focus on four women can allude to Jack the Ripper鈥檚 victims: the prostitutes working in London鈥檚 East End.^[44] Prostitution was a major point of contention within the nineteenth century.[45] Following the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, brothels were closed and prostitutes were forced 鈥榠nto the streets with nowhere to go鈥�.^[46] Feminists, such as Josephine Butler, campaigned for the act to be repealed.^[47] Despite this, 鈥榬espectable working class women鈥� failed to offer 鈥榗ollective resistance鈥� against the brutal attacks on prostitutes by Jack the Ripper.^[48] Walkowitz claims that the victims鈥� 鈥榦lder age鈥� and 鈥榓pparent culpability鈥� prevented feminists from sympathising with the victims.^[49] The unsympathetic response towards the canonical five affirmed the 鈥榤oral codes鈥� which dominated Victorian society.^[50] There were two categories of women: 鈥榤adonnas and whores鈥�; the immorality of the latter warranted their unfortunate fates.^[51]

Although Jack the Ripper targetted prostitutes his actions had repurcussions for the entire female population of Victorian London.^[52] The 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women represent how the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� convinced 鈥榳omen that they are helpless victims鈥�.^[53] Florence Fenwick Miller鈥檚 condemnation of the Whitechapel murder as 鈥樷�渨omenkilling鈥濃�� addressed the impact of the events on contemporary women.^[54] Jack the Ripper symbolised the continued domination of male authority.^[55] Amidst the murders the gendered divide between the private and public sphere was reasserted.^[56] Middle class women were sequestered from public life by being effectively placed under 鈥榟ouse arrest鈥�.^[57] Although working class women still traversed the streets, they armed themselves and walked in 鈥榞roups of two or three鈥�.^[58] Jack the Ripper was not the only threat, there were also numerous instances of men mimicking the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� to take advantage of 鈥榝emale terror鈥�.^[59] The Whitechapel murders successfully reasserted male dominance in the public sphere.^[60] The threat of murder characterised Victorian women as 鈥榟elpless victims鈥�; this frames the cultural conversation in which the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women belong.^[61]

The 1,284th issue of Police News was published in a period of 鈥榝emale terror鈥�.^[62] Annie Chapman鈥檚 murder, the last attack by the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� before the issue鈥檚 publication, was the 鈥榤ost violent鈥� of the killings.^[63] The illustration of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women is one of eleven images included on the front page of Police News.^[64] Although the illustration is not the main focus of the cover, due to its smaller size and less centralised location, it is significant.^[65] By including the image on the front page, Police News believed the image had a 鈥榗uriosity value鈥� and moral message which would appeal to its readers.^[66]

A group of four women stand at the forefront of the image.^[67] One woman has a knife raised, whilst a second appears to hold a gun.^[68] The likeness of their outfits suggest the women are of the same age and class. By acknowledging that the majority of middle class women were under 鈥榟ouse arrest鈥�, it is most likely that the women come from the East End.^[69] The image illustrates Walkowitz鈥� claim that working class women walked the streets in groups, unified 鈥檅y a common danger鈥� and the desire to 鈥榟elp each other all they can鈥�.^[70] The women鈥檚 鈥榝inery鈥�, their adorned hats and the ruching of their skirts, resemble the outfit worn by Annie Chapman on the same front cover of Police News.^[71] The outfits, which allude to the women鈥檚 occupation as prostitutes, render the women vulnerbale to the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥�.^[72] Prostitutes were often identified by their 鈥榮howy dress鈥�.^[73] Unlike the 鈥榩lain dress鈥� of middle class women, 鈥榝inery鈥� was associated with 鈥榤ore vice鈥�.^[74] In addition to their dresses, the illustrated women appear to be wearing corsets.[75] Although corsets were often disassociated with the working class, there was no 鈥榖arrier to purchase鈥�.^[76] As an undergarment, working class women could buy a 鈥榦ne-off-the peg model, to be worn year-in year-out鈥�.^[77] The overall appearance of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women suggests a deliberate attempt to look appealing.^[78] As prostitutes, they needed to attract the male gaze and their outfits was one way of doing that.^[79] The women, however, are 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� as they have the potential to attract the wrong customer: Jack the Ripper.^[80] The illustration shows the way in which prostitutes attempted to protect themselves.^[81] Unlike their middle class counterparts, economic desperation prevented the women from staying inside.^[82] Prostitutes still needed to make money to pay for lodging houses^[83]. By 鈥榮ecretly鈥� arming themselves, the women would not repel potential customers but would be somewhat protected from the 鈥榃hitechapel鈥� fiend.^[84]

Contemporary women were cast in the role of 鈥榟elpless victims鈥�; it is worth considering to what extent the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women support or subvert this.^[85] It is likely that Police News did not intend the image to evoke sympathy for prostitutes.[86] It could, instead, be a deliberate attempt to allude to the next chapter in the Jack the Ripper tale. Although the sensationalist press could not predict when the next murder would occur, they could 鈥榠nvite more speculation鈥�.^[87] By showing prostitutes walking the streets of London, Police News invites readers to guess the next passive victim of Jack the Ripper.^[88] In contrast, however, Judith Walkowitz regards the illustration as 鈥榓n optimistic view of the power held by East End women鈥�.^[89] In opposition to 鈥榤ale dominance鈥�, the women are subverting the concept of 鈥榝emale passivity鈥�.^[90] There are examples of these women having counterparts in reality.^[91] A group of market women were recorded demonstrating against 鈥楲eather Apron鈥� and defending Mary Ann Perry when she was molested by a Jack the Ripper impersonator.^[92] The illustration, and its display of agency, can allude to an alternate event.^[93] Police News may have deliberately depicted the women as powerful, a characteristic associated with men, in reference to the 鈥榓mateur detectives鈥� who would, in extremes, dress up as women.^[94] The desperation to catch the killer prompted some men to don women鈥檚 clothes and patrol 鈥榚very end of every street in the 鈥榙anger zone鈥欌��.^[95] As men, there would be no doubt of their masculine power, especially as they bravely became bate for the notorious woman-killer.^[96] The numerous ways of interpreting the source reiterates the purpose of the 鈥榩enny press鈥�: to 鈥榠nvite more speculation鈥�.^[97]

Standing on the opposite street corner from the women, is a man.^[98] One interpretation identifies the figure as a policeman.^[99] The figure鈥檚 apparent ignorance of the actions of the women ascribes to the critical contemporary perception of the police.^[100] The policeman鈥檚 presence does nothing to dispel the 鈥榝emale terror鈥� which has driven the women to arm themselves.^[101] Similarly, the male figure could represent the vigilance committees that sent out 鈥榤ale patrols鈥� through the East End.^[102] Both interpretations reaffirm the danger of the public sphere for women.^[103] Rather than establishing a safe environment, the masculine presence fails to dispel the 鈥榝ears and vulnerabilities鈥� of the female inhabitants of Victorian London.^[104] Police News may have placed the male figure in the background as a direct reference to the 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥�.^[105] Similar to the contemporary Madame Tussauds exhibit of the 鈥榥otorious Ripper鈥�, the killer is portrayed as a 鈥榮hadow鈥�.^[106] The technique reasserts the 鈥榤ost terrifying鈥� aspect of the Whitechapel murders: Jack the Ripper鈥檚 unknown identity.^[107] The 鈥榗ould-be-anyone killer鈥� made every man a threat to the female population.^[108] The streets would never be safe for women whilst an unidentifiable man amplified 鈥榯he terror of male violence鈥�.^[109]

Like the image itself, the short caption is inconclusive, as was characteristic of contemporary media.^[110] Ambiguity dominated both the 鈥榩enny press鈥� and more reputable newspapers as evidenced by The Daily Telegraph鈥�s reference to the 鈥榮ecret known only鈥� to the murderer.^[111] 鈥楻eady鈥� could suggest that the women are undermining the 鈥榤ale dominance鈥� of the public sphere by mobilising against the killer.^[112] In contrast, 鈥榬eady鈥� can allude to the East End prostitutes who were aware that they could be 鈥榥ext for Jack鈥�.^[113] Whether acting out of fear or courage, these women reference the threat of 鈥榤ale violence鈥� which reclaimed the public sphere as a masculine domain.^[114] The threat was particularly fervent when the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women image was produced.^[115] At the time of publication, Jack the Ripper had not assumed his 鈥榯rade name鈥�.^[116] The 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� is not used as a synonym.^[117] The 鈥榩enny press鈥� did not use the name 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥� until after the infamous 鈥淒ear Boss鈥� letter emerged on the 29th September.^[118] Between Annie Chapman鈥檚 murder and the publication of the letter, little occurred to expand the Ripper narrative. As shown on Police News鈥� cover page, the sensationalist press had to supplement the story by reporting on seemingly unrelated events, such as the 鈥榚xciting scenes鈥� in the 鈥榤enagerie鈥�.^[119] Despite Jack the Ripper鈥檚 inactivity, the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women image references how the female population were still gripped by the 鈥榯error of male violence鈥�.^[120] The image illustrates how the Whitechapel murders had a long-lasting effect on contemporary women.^[121]

The 鈥榮ilences鈥� and 鈥榗ountless breaks or ruptures鈥� within Police News do not render the source as invaluable.^[122] George Purkess, the newspaper鈥檚 founder, deliberately forsook 鈥榗oncrete news鈥� in favour of speculation and entertainment.^[123] By combining the Victorian鈥檚 favoured 鈥榩olice newspaper and the illustrated journey鈥�, Police News proved particularly popular.^[124] Its cheap price and episodic manner acquired a large readership who were desperate for 鈥榗lues to solve the mystery鈥� of the Whitechapel murders.^[125] Police News simultaneously satiated the curiosity of the middle classes and provided news to the East End population who could not afford 鈥樷�渁 one-penny outlay for the newspaper鈥濃��.^[126] The 鈥榩enny press鈥� was not, however, only consumed through purchase.^[127] As Ludmilla Jordanova asserts, the 鈥榩enny press鈥� would have an audience of 鈥榯hose who only see it鈥�, as the front cover was waved on the streets by 鈥榥ewspaper boys鈥�, and 鈥榯hose who have purchased and hence both own and see鈥�.^[128] Due to its affordability and 鈥榗uriosity value鈥�, the latter would have made up the majority of Police News鈥� readership.^[129]

Contemporaries of all ages, gender and class read the 鈥榩enny newspapers鈥�.^[130] The easy accessibility of Police News, however, was problematic.^[131] The 鈥榩ictorial sensationalism鈥� of the newspaper allowed illiterate contemporaries to access news of the Whitechapel murders.^[132] The potential for 鈥榤aidservants and nannies鈥� to leave 鈥榩enny newspapers鈥� 鈥榓cross the nursery table鈥� meant the horrific crimes of Jack the Ripper became known to the children of Victorian London.^[133] The 鈥榃hitechapel fiend鈥� featured within children鈥檚 鈥榥ightly 鈥渇ears and fantasies鈥濃��.^[134] Children were also not immune to the 鈥榤oral鈥� messages 鈥榣urking somewhere inside murder news鈥�.^[135] The sensationalist media influenced contemporary reactions to the Whitechapel murders; every reader of Police News would have been influenced by the 鈥榗odes of right or wrong鈥� and 鈥榞ender values鈥� which shaped the murders as 鈥榤oral anecdotes鈥�.^[136]

 Police News is a cultural product of the 鈥榤oral panic鈥� which gripped Victorian London in 1888.^[137] The image of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women, like other forms of 鈥榩ictorial sensationalism鈥�, does not provide information about the Ripper as an 鈥榟istorical person鈥�.^[138] More importantly, it explains the role of 鈥榩enny newspapers鈥� in establishing the killer鈥檚 legendary status.^[139] The 鈥榗uriosity value鈥� of the cheap penny press attracted a large reading public.^[140] The 鈥榮ilences鈥� characteristic of sensationalist media were subjectively filled by the reading public; Jack the Ripper, therefore, represented the fears and concerns of the entire population of Victorian London.^[141]

The 鈥榳omen secretly armed鈥� illustration captures the atmosphere of Victorian London amidst the 鈥榮exual tyranny鈥� of Jack the Ripper.^[142] The first section of this essay contextualised the image within the contemporary issues which influenced the public response to the Whitechapel murders. Beginning with a study of the 鈥楢ge of Sensation鈥�, the essay discussed the messages which lurked 鈥榮omewhere inside murder news鈥�.^[143] Condemnation of the police force, class conflict, Victorian moral code and gender conventions are all alluded to within Police News鈥� illustration.^[144] Although the source belongs to a variety of contemporary conversations, it is most closely linked to the effect of the Whitechapel murders on the public role of Victorian women.^[145] Jack the Ripper established a 鈥榯error of male violence鈥� which reasserted the strict divide between the male public and female private spheres.^[146] The second section of the essay closely analysed the content of the image and its significance as a material object. The Illustrated Police News appealed to a wide reading public.^[147] As a result the predominant message of the 鈥榮ecretly armed鈥� women image, that women were the 鈥榟elpless victims鈥� of 鈥榤ale dominance鈥�, influenced numerous contemporary readers.^[148] The source proves most valuable when one recognises that it lacks the 鈥樷�渙bjective鈥� truth鈥�.^[149] Only by accepting and interpreting the deliberate 鈥榮ilences鈥� of the illustration can one truly understand how Victorian society both created and cowered from the now eternalised 鈥榮erial killer of women鈥�, Jack the Ripper.^[150]

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Begg, Paul and Bennett, John, Jack the Ripper: the forgotten victims, (New Haven, Connecticut ; London : Yale University Press, 2013), Proquest ebook.

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Curtis, L.Perry, Jack the Ripper and the London Press (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001).

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Green, John Paul 鈥楻ipping yarns: capturing (not capturing) and constructing the myth of Jack the Ripper in nineteenth-century London鈥� in The making of English popular culture, ed.By John Storey (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2016), pp.213-224.

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Walkowitz, Judith, 鈥楴arratives of sexual danger鈥� in Jack the Ripper, media, culture, history, ed. By Alexandra 果冻传媒 and Martin Willis, (Manchester, UK; New York : Manchester University Press; Palgrave, 2007) pp. 179-96.

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Footnotes

^[1] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend, women secretly armed鈥�, Illustrated Police News, 1284, (London, 1888), p.1 <https://www.bl.uk/learning/timeline/item107586.html> [Accessed 03 March 2022].

^[2] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[3] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Judith Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper and the Myth of Male Violence鈥�, Feminist Studies, 8:3 (1982), p.547.

^[4] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Judith Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives of sexual danger鈥� in Jack the Ripper, media, culture, history, ed. By Alexandra 果冻传媒 and Martin Willis, (Manchester, UK; New York : Manchester University Press; Palgrave, 2007), p.193; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.544.

^[5] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[6] A. Luxx Mishou, 鈥樷�淢urder for a Penny: Jack the Ripper and the Structural Impact of Sensational Reporting鈥濃��, The Wilkie Collins Journal, 16 (2019), p.1.

^[7] Hallie Rubenhold, The five: the untold lives of the women killed by Jack the Ripper (London: Doubleday, 2019), p.141.

[8] Laura Schwartz, 鈥橶omen, Religion and Agency in Modern British History鈥�, Women鈥檚 History Review, 2 (2012), p.320.

^[9] L.Perry Curtis, Jack the Ripper and the London Press (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), p.9.

^[10] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; John Storey, 鈥業ntroduction: Making popular culture鈥� in The making of English popular culture, ed.By John Storey (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2016), p.12; John Paul Green, 鈥楻ipping yarns: capturing (not capturing) and constructing the myth of Jack the Ripper in nineteenth-century London鈥� in The making of English popular culture, ed.By John Storey (Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2016), p.215; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.557.

^[11] Curtis, p.9; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546.

^[12] Curtis, p.5; Mischou.

^[13] Mathew Engel, Tickle the public: one hundred years of the popular press (London : Victor Gollancz, 1996), p.44; Alan J. Lee, The origins of the popular press (London : Croom Helm ; Totowa, N.J. : Rowman and Littlefield, 1976), p.117.

^[14] Ibid, p.130.

^[15] Haia Shpayer-Makov, 鈥楯ournalists and Police Detectives in Victorian and Edwardian England: An Uneasy Reciprocal Relationship鈥�, Journal of Social History, 42:4 (2009), p.965; Anon, 鈥楯ack the Ripper murders鈥�, British Library <>[Accessed 2 March 2022].

^[16] Martin Willis, 鈥楯ack the Ripper, Sherlock Holmes and the narrative of detection鈥� in Jack the Ripper, media, culture, history, ed. By Alexandra 果冻传媒 and Martin Willis, (Manchester, UK; New York : Manchester University Press; Palgrave, 2007), p.153.

^[17] Ibid; Mishou, p.2; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.550

^[18] Willis, p.153; Green, p.221; Willis, p.153

^[19] Green, p.221.

^[20] Curtis, p.9; Mishou, p.4.

^[21] Mishou, p.2; Curtis, p.9; Lee, p.121.

^[22] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.551

^[23] Mishou, p.1

^[24] Mishou, p.1; Curtis, pp.65-5; Anon, 鈥楨ast End Outrages鈥�, The Observer (London, 1888), p.5 <> [Accessed 3 March 2022].

^[25] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Lee, p.130; Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥� <> [Accessed 2 March 2022].

^[26] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Green, p.213; Mishou, p.1.

^[27] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Curtis, p.133; Willis, p.149.

^[28] Curtis, p.266.

^[29] Ibid, p.257.

^[30] Shpayer-Makov, p.970.

^[31] Ibid; Paul Begg and John Bennett, Jack the Ripper: the forgotten victims, (New Haven, Connecticut ; London : Yale University Press, 2013) p.9. Proquest ebook.

^[32] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.545; Begg and Bennett, p.16.

^[33] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.190.

^[34] Begg and Bennett, p.10; Rubenhold, p.8; Judith Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight: narratives of sexual danger in late-Victorian London, (London : Virago, 1992), p. 195.

^[35] Ibid.

^[36] Ibid, p.221; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�,p.545.

^[37] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.544; Ibid, p.545.

^[38] Ibid, p.558.

^[39] Mishou, p.16; Rubenhold, p.141.

^[40] Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.195.

^[41] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Rubenhold, p.337.

^[42] Mishou, p.16.

^[43] Ibid.

^[44] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.547.

[45] Ibid, p.567.

^[46] Rubenhold, p.12; Lucy Bland, Banishing the beast: English feminism and sexual morality, 1885-1914 (London: Penguin, 1995), p.102.

^[47] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.567.

^[48] Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.186; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.547.

^[49] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.552.

^[50] Rubenhold, p.141.

^[51] Ibid, p.345; Ibid, pp. 347-8.

^[52] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.547; Ibid, p.569.

^[53] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569.

^[54] Ibid, p.567.

^[55] Ibid, p.546.

^[56] Schwartz, p.320.

^[57] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.566.

^[58] Ibid, p.564.

^[59] Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.182; Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.561.

^[60] Ibid, p.546.

^[61] Ibid, p.569; Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[62] Ibid; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.561.

^[63] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Anon, 鈥樷�淲hitechapel murders鈥� from the Illustrated Police News鈥�, British Library <> [Accessed 2 March].

^[64] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�

^[65] Ibid.

^[66] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Mishou, p.16.

^[67] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[68] Ibid.

^[69] Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.187.

^[70] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.564; Ibid, p.563.

^[71] Mariana Valverde, 鈥楾he Love of Finery: Fashion and the Fallen Woman in Nineteenth-Century Social Discourse鈥�, Victorian Studies, 32:2 (1989), p.168; Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[72] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.547; Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[73] Valverde, p.179.

^[74] Ibid; Ibid, p.168; Ibid, p.179.

[75] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[76] Mel Davies, 鈥楥orsets and Conception: Fashion and Demographic Trends in the Nineteenth Century鈥�, Comparative Studies in Society and History, (24:4), p.620; Ibid, p.624.

^[77] Ibid.

^[78] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[79] Curtis, p.108.

^[80] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Curtis, p.108.

^[81] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[82] Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.186; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.552.

^[83] Ibid.

^[84] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[85] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569.

[86] Rubenhold, pp.347-8.

^[87] Curtis, p.9.

^[88] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569.

^[89] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.186.

^[90] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546.

^[91] Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.186.

^[92] Ibid.

^[93] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.557.

^[94] Ibid.

^[95] Ibid.

^[96] Curtis, p.108.

^[97] Ibid, p.65; Ibid, p.9.

^[98] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�

^[99] Ibid.

^[100] Ibid; Curtis, p.266.

^[101] Ibid; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.561.

^[102] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.213.

^[103] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.544.

^[104] Willis, p.155; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.561.

^[105] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�

^[106] Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p. 2; Ibid, p.3.

^[107] Ibid, p.4.

^[108] Ibid; Green, p.219.

^[109] Curtis, p.266; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546.

^[110] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend

^[111] Mishou, p.2; Anon, 鈥楾he Daily Telegraph鈥�, in Casebook: Jack the Ripper (London, 1888) <https://www.casebook.org/press_reports/daily_telegraph/dt880922.html> [Accessed 3 March 2020].

^[112] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, Schwartz, p.320; 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546; Walkowitz, 鈥楴arratives鈥�, p.186.

^[113] Ibid.

^[114] Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569; Schwartz, p.320.

^[115] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[116] Ibid; Mishou, p.16.

^[117] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[118] Curtis, p.65; Mishou, p.16.

^[119] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Willis, p.153.

^[120] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546.

^[121] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.563.

^[122] Curtis, p.9; Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�.

^[123] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Anon, 鈥楯ack the Ripper murders鈥�.

^[124] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Anon, 鈥楯ack the Ripper murders鈥�.

^[125] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Mishou, p.4; Jordanova, p.169; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546.

^[126] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Mishou, p.7.

^[127] Curtis, p.65; Ludmilla Jordanova, The look of the past: visual and material evidence in historical practice (Cambridge : Cambridge University Press, 2012), p.169.

^[128] Mishou, p.1; Jordanov, p.169; Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.221.

^[129] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�.

^[130] Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.221; Curtis, p.65.

^[131] Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.221.

^[132] Curtis, p.68.

^[133] Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.221.

^[134] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, City of dreadful delight, p.221.

^[135] Bland, p.118; Curtis, p.84.

^[136] Green, p.21; Rubenhold, p.141; Mishou, p.16.

^[137] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Green, p.217.

^[138] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Curtis, p.68; Green, p.215.

^[139] Mishou, p.2; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.544.

^[140] Anon, 鈥業llustrated Police News鈥�; Jordanova, p.169.

^[141] Curtis, p.9; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.557.

^[142] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.545.

^[143] Mishou, p.2; Curtis, p.84.

^[144] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�

^[145] Ibid; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569.

^[146] Ibid, p.546; Schwartz, p.320.

^[147] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Jordanova, p.169.

^[148] Anon, 鈥楻eady for the Whitechapel fiend鈥�; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.569; Ibid, p.546; Shpayer-Makov, p.967.

^[149] Storey, p.12.

^[150] Curtis, p.9; Walkowitz, 鈥楯ack the Ripper鈥�, p.546; Curtis, p.258